jueves, 30 de mayo de 2013

Móvil del asesinato de Ortiz fue el asalto: Fiscalía



Chihuahua.- La Fiscalía General del Estado informó que el asesinato de Jesús Ortiz, hermano de la activista Marisela Ortiz, fue el asalto a su comercio, ubicado en el cruce de las avenidas Venustiano Carranza y 20 de Noviembre. Por su parte el Gobernador del estado, César Duarte, declaró que las investigaciones en torno al caso han permitido definir que el asesinato no está relacionado con el activismo de su hermana.
Según comentó el vocero de la FGE, Carlos González, hasta el momento las investigaciones muestran que se trató de un acto de violencia común, ya que el modus operandi y el arma utilizada apunta a que se trató de criminales comunes, y no del crimen organizado.
Por su parte el mandatario estatal indicó que el trabajo de la Fiscalía General del Estado se ha centrado en definir si el asesinato está relacionado con el activismo de Marisela, quien ha sido reconocida por su trabajo para exigir que sean esclarecidos los femenicidios que se han suscitado en la entidad.
“La postura es esclarecer de manera inmediata el homicidio, ahí están las investigaciones en curso, y cerciorarnos que no tenga relación con el activismo de la hermana”, finalizó.


-
El Diario de Chihuahua

JORNADA DE LUCHA CONTRA EL FEMINICIDIO - UACM



Reaccionan ONGs al asesinato del hermano de Marisela



Hay muchas garantías para los delincuentes, pero no para quienes nos defendemos, pues estamos vulnerables y desprotegidos, manifestó, Norma Ledezma Ortega

Heidi Rodríguez | 
NorteDigital

Chihuahua.- Hay muchas garantías para los delincuentes, pero no para quienes nos defendemos, pues estamos vulnerables y desprotegidos, manifestó, Norma Ledezma Ortega, coordinadora general de la Organización No Gubernamental (ONG), Justicia para Nuestras Hijas, con relación al asesinato de Jesús Ortiz Rivera, hermano de la también activista Marisela.

En febrero del 2001, Lilia Alejandra García Andrade, ahijada de Marisela Ortiz Rivera, apareció muerta con señales de violencia sexual en un campo maquilador de esta ciudad, por lo que junto con su amiga Norma Andrade, ambas maestras, fundan la ONG Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa.

Años mas tarde, apenas en el 2011, debido a su activismo social, recibió amenazas de muerte y la obligaron a pedir asilo político en Estados Unidos (EU), dos años después de que su yerno también fuera asesinado.

El homicidio de Jesús implica un duelo más para una familia rodeada de tragedias y que pueden asumirse como lamentables en muchos sentidos, pues no sólo es de criticarse al igual que cualquiera de este tipo, sino que evidencia las pocas oportunidades que tenemos los ciudadanos de defendernos, observó, Ledezma Ortega.

“En Chihuahua, a pesar de que se diga que bajaron los índices de violencia, no es cierto. Lo vemos con este caso. También, apenas hace unos días, asaltaron un expendio, el encargado se defiende y dispara contra los asaltantes. Hoy está preso porque mató en defensa propia”, analizó.

Afirmó que “esto evidencia que la sociedad estamos vulnerables y desprotegidos, porque las garantías de los delincuentes son muchas y las de los ciudadanos, son muy pocas. Vean lo que pasa cuando tienes que defenderte”.

Criticó la poca efectividad del Estado, a través de sus fuerzas policiacas, al no ser capaz de garantizar la seguridad a sus gobernados, al reflejarse diariamente este tipo de tragedias.

Dijo que debido a que Marisela Ortiz, vive fuera del país, hasta el momento no la han podido contactar, mas a nombre de la ONG Justicia por Nuestras Hijas, manifestó su solidaridad tanto para ella, como para su familia.

“Seguimos diciendo que los que levantamos la voz, tenemos pocas garantías de que se nos escuche, sin embargo continuamos. Ella ha sido una mujer fuerte, pionera y líder, en esta lucha de la búsqueda de justicia. 

Lo sentimos mucho; pero debemos seguir levantando la voz por todas estas personas que ya no se están callando”, sentenció.

miércoles, 29 de mayo de 2013

Asesinan en Chihuahua a un hermano de la activista Marisela Ortiz Rivera


Es cofundadora de Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa
Periódico La Jornada
Miércoles 29 de mayo de 2013, p. 5
Jesús Ortiz Rivera, hermano de la activista y cofundadora de la organización Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa, Marisela Ortiz, fue asesinado la noche del lunes en la ciudad de Chihuahua, informó la Fiscalía General del estado.
Ortiz era propietario de una licorería ubicada entre las calles Venustiano Carranza y 20 de Noviembre, donde aparentemente se resistió a un asalto; sin embargo, peritos de la fiscalía hallaron casquillos calibre .223, usados en armas de alto poder.
Los primeros reportes policiacos indicaron que la víctima –de 43 años– quedó tendida detrás del mostrador y afirmaron que fue asesinado porque se resistió al asalto.
Asimismo, en el municipio chihuahuense de Jiménez fueron localizados los cuerpos de tres personas que se hallaban a bordo de un vehículo incendiado la noche del lunes en el kilómetro 60 de la carretera que va de esa localidad a Villa López. Dos personas más fallecieron en Chihuahua capital: uno en Creel y uno más en Ascensión.
Por otra parte, en Guerrero, alrededor de 55 policías municipales de Teloloapan renunciaron al cargo desde el sábado anterior, luego de que un grupo armado baleó la alcaldía y un puesto de vigilancia con saldo de dos uniformados muertos y dos heridos, informó el alcalde Ignacio Valladares Salgado. Además de los agentes que renunciaron tras el ataque, antes ya habían dimitido ‘‘entre 45 y 50 elementos’’. Quedan en activo sólo siete, precisó.
El edil manifestó que efectivos de las policías estatal y federal, así como del Ejército, están a cargo de la seguridad en el municipio. Dijo que la misma situación ocurre en los ayuntamientos de Apaxtla y Cuetzala del Progreso.
Asimismo, se informó que la Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero suspendió proyectos académicos en los municipios de Teloloapan y Apaxtla de Castrejón para proteger a los universitarios ante los hechos violentos. La institución tiene registrados mil 500 universitarios en dicha región.
Por lo que hace a Tamaulipas, el Congreso local aprobó reformas a los artículos 157 bis y 157 del Código Penal para tipificar nuevas conductas recurrentes en la delincuencia común y que se consideran graves, lo que impedirá que los responsables puedan obtener su libertad bajo fianza.
Entre los nuevos delitos se encuentran instalar y elaborar en vías públicas cualquier material que contenga palabras, mensajes, textos o símbolos que produzcan alarma o temor entre la población. También la utilización de artefactos o instrumentos ponchallantas y fabricar o utilizar vehículos blindados sin autorización. Asimismo, la simulación de retenes oficiales.
En Morelos, Benjamín Gutiérrez Aguilar, director de la escuela primaria Belisario Domínguez, del municipio de Emiliano Zapata, fue asesinado la tarde de ayer cerca de las 14 horas; el mentor circulaba por la colonia Villa Morelos y fue atacado por dos hombres que viajaban en una motocicleta, informó la policía municipal.
Por otro lado, se reportó la muerte a balazos de tres personas en Culiacán, Sinaloa, y tres más en Gómez Palacio, Durango. En Torreón, Coahuila, policías preventivos mataron a uno de tres presuntos delincuentes que momentos antes los habían atacado, mientras que en el penal de Apodaca, Nuevo León, fue asesinado el interno Juan Jaime Sánchez.
(Con información de Rubén Villalpando, corresponsal, y la Redacción)

martes, 28 de mayo de 2013

Asesinato del hermano de Marisela Ortiz


"Mi hermano Chuy Ortiz Rivera fue asesinado a balazos anoche en el interior de su negocio al resistirse al asalto en la ciudad de Chihuahua. Un dolor y una tristeza muy profunda nos embarga el corazón. Pedimos a Dios por su alma, y a las autoridades clamamos la justicia." Marisela Ortiz

martes, 21 de mayo de 2013

Scarpe Rosse contro la violenza e il femminicidio


Forlì, venerdì 24 maggio ore 11-18 piazzetta della misura: SCARPE ROSSE CONTRO LA VIOLENZA SULLE DONNE E IL FEMMINICIDIO!

lunes, 20 de mayo de 2013

"La violencia contra la mujer no es ocasional, sino producto de las desigualdades entre hombres y mujeres"



"Ha sido el trabajo de las asociaciones civiles y las grandes y pequeñas protestas en el mundo, lo que hizo que la violencia contra las mujeres pasara de lo privado a lo publico... por tanto, paso también a ser responsabilidad de los estados.

Gracias a la intensa labor de valientes mujeres (y algunos hombres) en todo el mundo, que dejo claro que la violencia contra la mujer no es ocasional o bien, resultado de la falta de valores, sino producto de las desigualdades entre hombres y mujeres." Marisela Ortiz

jueves, 16 de mayo de 2013

Emite GDF Alerta Amber por desaparición de niña de 7 años


La menor Carina Guadalupe Legaria González fue vista por última vez en la calle Lago San Martín de la colonia Argentina Antigua, en la delegación Miguel Hidalgo.
Mirna Servín
Publicado: 16/05/2013 11:21
México, DF. La Secretaría de Seguridad Pública del Distrito Federal (SSPDF) emitió una Alerta Amber por la desaparición de la niña Carina Guadalupe Legaria González, de 7 años, con el fin de recuperar sanos y salvos a menores extraviados.
La menor desapareció el día 6 del mes en curso cuando caminaba en la calle Lago San Martín de la colonia Argentina Antigua, en la delegación Miguel Hidalgo; vestía blusa, mallón color rosa y zapatos negros. Como señas particulares tiene marcas de varicela en el vientre y una cicatriz de aproximadamente siete centímetros en el abdomen.
La Secretaría de Seguridad Pública solicita a los ciudadanos que residen o transitan por la capital de país que coadyuven en la recuperación de la pequeña.

En la búsqueda participarán todos los efectivos de la dependencia y se apoyará también con las cámaras de C4 y C2.
Acorde al protocolo, la SSPDF ha iniciado la distribución de la información correspondiente en patrullas, módulos y oficinas de la propia dependencia; asimismo, en embajadas, Aeropuerto Internacional de la Ciudad de México y centrales de autobuses.
En caso de conocer información que lleve a la localización de la niña y poder reunirla con su familia, comunicarse al Centro de Atención del Secretario (CAS) al teléfono 5208 98 98 y la cuenta de Twitter @caspoliciadf en servicio 24 horas al día, todos los días del año.

domingo, 12 de mayo de 2013

Spatial and temporal behavior of three paradigmatic cases of violence in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua México: feminicide, homicide and involuntary disappearances of girls and women (1993-2013)


Spatial and temporal behavior of three paradigmatic cases of violence in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua México: feminicide, homicide and involuntary disappearances of girls and women (1993-2013)
Report presented to
Mr. Christof Heyns
Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions United Nations Human Rights
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

By
Professors
Julia E. Monárrez Fragoso,
juliam@colef.mx
Luis E. Cervera Gómez, lcervera@colef.mx
Special thanks to
Carliene Quest, University of Texas at El Paso Saraí Martínez, El Colegio de la Frontera Norte
Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua: Visita del Relator de la ONU, viernes 26 de abril del 2013
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Citizens of Ciudad Juárez have experienced extreme forms of violence during the last 30 years. This violence has distinct and diverse manifestations, varied victims, and different perpetrators. It is a multifaceted violence that has created historical injustices, has induced deep sufferings, and has wounded and harmed an entire community (Monárrez and Rojas, 2013).
In support of our thesis and research, we consider two paradigmatic violent events that have affected our community: "The Juarez feminicide" (1993) and "Juarez’s War on Drugs.” (2008). Within these crises of human rights violations, people are abused and killed based on discrimination, which ranks human beings into superior and inferior classes. These hierarchies are limitless (Zaffaroni, 2004) and discrimination may be based on one’s sex, age, by place of origin, area of residence, socioeconomic class, and gender. Local, regional, and national politics focused on political victories has criminal and unethical vulnerabilities for thousands of girls, boys, men and women (Todorov, 2002).
Within these paradigmatic violent events, we present three emblematic manifestations for your consideration: feminicide, involuntary or forced disappearances of girls, and homicides of men. Following an introduction to these manifestations, we analyze the spatial and temporal behavior of each, and we conclude with policy implications for improved public safety and justice.
1
I. The Juarez feminicide
In January 1993, organized women and feminists from Ciudad Juárez and Chihuahua began a record-keeping of girls and women that were murdered. This memory retrieval revealed the brutality and the impunity that both permitted and normalized feminicide. Victims’ families reported that their daughters had been disappeared, tortured, and sexually abused; their bodies were dumped in vacant lots or in desert areas of the city as worthless residues. The families’ cries for justice gained the attention of national and international human rights organizations, and recommendations were given to the Mexican State to address these long-tolerated atrocities and injustices against women (Monárrez and Bejarano, 2010).
Ms. Asma Jahangir, UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, visited Ciudad Juárez in 1999. Her report to the Mexican State was firm and direct:
The events in Ciudad Juárez thus constitute a typical case of gender-based crimes which thrive on impunity. The arrogant behaviour and obvious indifference shown by some state officials in regard to these cases leave the impression that many of the crimes were deliberately never investigated for the sole reason that the victims were “only” young girls with no particular social status and who therefore were regarded as expendable. It is to be feared that a lot of valuable time and information may have been lost because of the delays and irregularities (United Nations, 1999).
Throughout this paper, our data and analysis demonstrate that Ms. Jahangir’s conclusions are as relevant today as they were 12 years ago when she issued the report.
2
Since November 2009, when the Inter American Court of Human Rights issued the Cotton Field Judgment against the Mexican State, the Mexican government has been held accountable to the international community for three specific cases of feminicides: Esmeralda Herrera Monreal, Laura Berenice Ramos Monárrez, and Claudia Ivette González. The ruling includes sanctions against the Mexican government for the absence of justice to families’ victims.
Still, justice remains veiled. Furthermore, with the escalation of missing girls and women since 2008, and the discovery of female skeletons in the years 2011, 2012 and 2013, we can say that the commitment to the eradication of feminicide remains unfulfilled. It is important to note that the number of bodies of young girls found in the Sierra de San Agustin, the Sierra de San Ignacio, and the stream The Navajo (2011-2013) has exceeded high-profile cases of the previous decades, including the Cotton Field, Lote Bravo, Lomas de Poleo, and Cerro del Cristo Negro cases (see photographs 1 and 2). 1
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1 The body count still vague; the coverage in the press is not relevant –although some exceptions of committed women journalist- and investigative and judicial impunity persist.
3
Photo 1
A mother mourns injustice and pain in public.

Mrs. María García Reynoso, decided to take her daughter`s coffin to the Fiscalia`s esplanade. Her daughter, Jessica Leticia Peña García, disappeared on May 30, 2010. Her decomposed body was found January 26, 2012. Mrs. Garcìa was notified February 23, 2012. Mrs. Garcìa Reynoso and other relatives with missing daughters remained at the site of the Fiscalía from February 24 to 28, until Mr. César Duarte Jaquez, governor of Chihuahua, arrived (Espinoza, 2013).
SOURCE: Julia Monárrez, [personal archive] February, 2012.

4
Photo 2
We want our daughters alive, we don’t want memorials.

Victim ́s families protesting against federal, state and municipal governments in Cotton Field Memorial during the unveiling of Desert Flower sculpture.
SOURCE: Julia Monárrez, [particular archive] August 30, 2012.
5
II. Juarez’s War on Drugs.
In 2008, Juárez, Chihuahua was called "the national dump of corpses" (Turati, 2009:11). That year 14,007 people were killed in México, and 18.6 percent of these violent deaths occurred in the state of Chihuahua. Ciudad Juárez was the site of 61 percent of these killings, and accounted for 11.35 percent of all assassinations in México (INEGI, 2010). On March 28, 2008 the city was informed about the creation of Joint Operation Chihuahua. This strategy - requested and supported by both the state and municipal governments of Chihuahua - was part of the war against organized crime declared by the federal government in late 2006 and early 2007, in order to restore citizen ́s public security across the country (Sala de prensa del gobierno federal, 2007).
Public security was not restored; instead, the city of Juárez was witness to the supremacy of the facto powers. Violence spread: bodies of decapitated and mutilated persons, mostly men, were left in fences, public buildings, schools, etc. Criminal groups - both organized and unorganized - resisted the force of the State, annihilating each other and subjecting a substantial segment of Juárez population to other violent crimes against their person and against their property. These crimes include: extortion, kidnapping, payment for "protection", arson (to businesses), carjacking, sexual violence against women, attacks on transgender population, and the disappearance of boys, men, girls, and women.
This was a period in which extrajudicial and summary trials2 were disseminated through television, newspapers or internet; hit men burst into hospitals to kill wounded
2 “In terms of the report for the Special Rapporteur, I cannot say how all of these homicides are classified in terms of "
page7image14744
extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions. As we know, most of the
murders are not investigated and these categories really do not exist (that I know of) in the Mexican legal system. I think that the only number we can report are the total homicides. It might be possible for the Rapporteur to get a statement from the Fiscalía with more details/descriptions of the crimes
6
rivals. A significant number of Juárez inhabitants were displaced: to other cities in Mexico, to other locations within Juárez, or to the United States of America. As a result, Juárez has become a city of orphans and widows, and, to a lesser extent, of parents without sons and daughters; comprehensive and official data for these populations is yet undisclosed.
The different expressions of drug war violence from 2008 to 2012 that we suffered in Ciudad Juarez - immeasurable losses of human lives - have left a total of 10,882 persons dead (Molloy, 2013). These violent deaths have a differential impact for men and women based on gender discrimination and social inequalities.
i. Feminicide and Disappearances of Girls and Women in Ciudad Juárez
Feminicide has different expressions in this city, and since 1993 up to April 9, 2013, according to our data base3 1441 girls and women have been killed (see Table 1). Girls and women are killed by relatives, or known and unknown men. Motives for being a victim are based on gender discrimination. Although all lost lives are important, in order to document one of the most pervasive expressions of women killing, we focus on what is defined as Systemic sexual feminicide.
Systemic sexual feminicide. The assassination of women who are kidnaped, tortured, and raped. Their nude or seminude corpses are left in the desert, in empty lots, in sewer pipes, in garbage dumps, and on train tracks. Through these cruel acts,
3 From the definition of femicide as "the misogynist killing of women by men" (Radford and Russell, 1992, xi, 3) and the five factors that sustain it: motives, perpetrators, violent acts, structural changes in society and tolerance to violence by the state and other institutions, Femicide Database was constructed. In it are recorded cases of girls and women killed since 1993 until 2013. The sources are from newspapers and Fiscalía’s reports.
page8image16472
 

that might allow him to determine which of the 11,200 homicides fit the definition of
extrajudicial,

summary or arbitrary executions’ (Molloy, 2013).
7
the assassins strengthen the unequal gender relations that distinguish the sexes by emphasizing otherness, difference, and inequality. Systemic sexual feminicides are subdivided into organized systemic sexual feminicide and unorganized sexual feminicide.
Organized systemic sexual feminicide. The assassination of women in which the assassins may act as an organized network of people involved in sexual feminicides. The assassins consciously and systematically practice a method of killing directed at women`s and girls’ sexual and gender identity over a long and undetermined period of time.
Unorganized systemic sexual feminicide. The assassination of women accompanied, though not always, by kidnapping, torture, rape, and the disposal of the corpse. The assassins presumably kill only once over a period of time. They may be men who are unknown to the victims or close friends or family members of the victims. The victims are left in lonely places, at hotels, or inside their homes (Fragoso and Bejarano, 2010: 158-159).4
Systemic sexual feminicide accounts for 216 cases since 1993 until 2013. According to the critical definitions stated in the above paragraphs, 141 cases are considered organized and 75 are unorganized (see table 2). Among the 141 cases the average age and the modal age is 17 years old (see table 3).
Analyzing table 1, two categories merit special attention: “organized crime and drug traffic” and “no data”. For the first category mentioned, from the total of 695 cases, 648
4 Definitions coined Julia Monárrez in 2010. Translation to English by Rosa-Linda Fragoso and Cynthia Bejarano (2010).
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8
girls and women were killed from 2008 to 2012. Within these statistics are the presumably 66 “collateral damages”. No data accounts for 172 cases, which are classified this way because there is no sufficient elements to do otherwise. 132 cases occurred during the drug war period, and were part of the hegemonic and gendered discourse: “They are killed because are parts of the drug cartels” (Monárrez, 2010).
Involuntary disappearances are pernicious and deadly for young women and young girls. Our database includes 246 cases; 211 girls disappeared from 2008 to 2013. They are targeted as killable subjects (Wright, 2012), because of the social inequalities in which they live.
9

Table 1: Categories of femenicide and murders of girls and women in Ciudad Juárez and Valle de Juárez (1993-2013*)
Categories feminicides
Feminicides
Feminicide
Intimate feminicide (a)

Systemic sexual feminicide ( b) Feminicide by stigmatized occupations (c)
Murders
Organized crime and drug traffic Communitarian violence (d) Imprudent (e)
No data

Total by year
1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Total de % casos
0000000010000000200003 0.2
8 5 7 8 9 7 22 22
3 2 2 3
1 1 5 4 0 3 8 3 0 0 2 0 3 2 4 5
24 20 50 45
10 8 7 18 17 7
0 2 4
 4    2    1
 4    8    3
 0    0    0
 5    2    3
41 39 25
14 10 9 15
0 2
8 4 2 4 1 4 4 1
38 41
16 16 5 14 11 6 8 6 8 2
1 0 2 2 1
4 0 3 3 2 9 5 2 4 6 1 1 0 1 1 4 0 2 2 0
41 30 20 34 23
14 7
0
5 1 0 3
1421 613 4 106412 18
1012 5
67 126 245 164 46 11884 0 2110 2 26373921 8
1 212 14.7 3 216 15.0
0 33 2.3 0 695 48.2
0 93 6.5 0 17 1.2 1 172 11.9
5 1441 100.0
30 131 201 304 216 83
Source: "Base de datos Feminicidio 1993 - 2013" [particular research file], El Colegio de la Frontera Norte.
Notes:
(a) This category includes child and familiar feminicide.
(b) It includes disorganized and organized feminicide.
(c) Indicates women who work as prostitutes, exotic dances, and night club and bar tenders.
(d) Murders by robbery, juvenile delinquency and quarrels.
(e)
As far as data shows, in these reckless murders there is not a premeditation act to kill the women.
*Since January 1, 1993 to April 9, 2013.
10
Table 2: Systemic Sexual Feminicide 1993-2013*
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Year
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Cases
1993
5
1994
6
1995
16
1996
19
1997
11
1998
14
1999
6
2000
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6
2001
13
2002
5
2003
5
2004
page12image48384
4
page12image49760
2005
4
page12image52912
2006
0
2007
page12image59136
3
page12image60512
2008
2
page12image63664
2009
3
2010
page12image69888
1
page12image71264
2011
4
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2012
12
2013
page12image80640
2
page12image82016
page12image82312 page12image82904
TOTAL
page12image84288
141
* Since January 1, 1993 to April 9, 2013.
Source: "Base de datos Feminicidio 1993 - 2013" [particular research file], El Colegio de la Frontera Norte.
11
Table 3: Victims Age Systemic sexual feminicide 1993-2013*
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Age
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Frecuency
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%
0-9
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1
0.7
10-19
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84
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59.5
20-29
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31
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21.9
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30-39
11
7.8
40-49
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1
page13image30336
0.7
page13image33512
50-59
1
0.7
60-69
page13image38448
0
page13image40512
0.0
No data
page13image44024
12
page13image45280
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8.5
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Total
141
100.0
Average age
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17
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Age modal
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17
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* Since January 1, 1993 to April 9, 2013.
Source: "Base de datos Feminicidio 1993 - 2013" [particular research file], El Colegio de la Frontera Norte.
12
ii. Homicides
Discrimination that devalues human life is wielded against men as well. Men have been killed for years. As a matter of fact, from 1985 to 2010, homicide rates in the State of Chihuahua were equivalent to the national rate, and had a fluctuant tendency until 2007 (ONUMujeres, 2012). Expressions such as “Let them kill themselves; they are drug dealers”; “the city will be better off and clean if they kill each other” are examples of a rhetoric and a genealogy of discrimination on the basis of the “inhuman” compared to the “normal human” (Baudrillard, 1993: 125-126). In the year 2008, the homicide rate in Ciudad Juárez showed a significant increase: 5.3 times the previous year ́s rate. The last three years from 2007 to 2010, the rate was 12 times higher compared to the year 2007.
III. Spatial and Temporal Behavior of Feminicide, Disappeared Girls and Homicides at Ciudad Juarez
Understanding the urban spatial context where violence takes place is a keystone for better actions and public policy to prevent and to stop feminicides and disappeared girls at Ciudad Juarez. It is necessary to determine if the physical (infrastructure and urban equipment), socioeconomic, and demographic conditions of the space can explain violence.
Our research of this phenomenon includes the creation of a relational database in a GIS platform (Cervera, 2010), and spatial analysis with geo-statistic techniques to describe patterns, hotspots, and directionality. Our analysis also includes calculation of probability and prediction maps.
13
Feminicides
A database with 20 years of feminicides can be considered as a robust data source to study the spatial and temporal variation of feminicide at Ciudad Juarez. From 1993 to 2007 the average number of feminicides per year was 33.4. This average skyrocketed to 187 per year during the time period 2008-2012, an increase of 560 percent (Figure 1). As made evident in previous sections of this paper, this time period corresponds with the exacerbated violence experienced in Ciudad Juarez, including the highest rates of homicides.
During this time period, when Ciudad Juarez was known globally as the “murder capital of the world”, the rising number of feminicides cases became invisible within the total number of homicides each year. Statistically, the ratio of homicides to feminicides increased to 10:1. Socially and publically, the local and international news media were

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Figure 1. Feminicides at Ciudad Juarez (1993-2012)
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concerned by and reported vigorously on the homicide statistics. Although feminicides were increasing in a significant way, this phenomenon went largely unnoticed by people and the news media. The data in figure 1 shows that the drug war violence generated asignificant trigging effect on feminicides5. The chart depicts feminicides per year from 1993 to 2012. The trend line is adjusted to a polynomial model and a correlation level of 72%.
Using the GIS tools related to spatial analysis and geo-statistics techniques, the study reveals a spatial pattern defined as clusters (Geary and Moran index), resulting in several hotspots (see Map 1). The largest and most serious hotspot engulfs the city’s historic center, and several smaller hotspots cover the western part of the city, the zone very well known as the “Poniente de Ciudad Juarez” (map 1).
The spatial analysis results indicate a high correlation level between poverty (measured by socioeconomic indicators) and feminicide. In addition, these hotspots of feminicide spatially match city zones with major deficits in infrastructure and urban equipment. Spatial segregation is a determining factor in understanding violence at Ciudad Juarez.
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5 It is important to keep in mind that the elevated violence during the period of 2008-2012 triggered many additional forms of violence.
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Map 1. Spatial density of Feminicides at Ciudad Juarez (1993-2010) Disappeared Girls
In recent years, a small database of girls considered as disappeared was geo- referenced at El Colegio de la Frontera Norte. This database has no more than 200
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registered cases, and 80% of them were geo-referenced in a GIS (see data in figure 2).



Exacerbated
 60
 50
 40
 30
 20
 10
0 -10
y = 0.3569x2 - 4.599x + 12.654 R2 = 0.8803
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Although the size of this database cannot be considered statistically robust to fully represent the phenomenon of disappeared girls in Ciudad Juárez, the preliminary spatial analysis reveals a highly concentrated, well-defined hotspot zone around the city’s historic center with a contiguous hotspot extending to the west, as well as two smaller hotspots - one at the city’s geographic center, and one in the Southeastern area very close to “Riveras del Bravo” (map 2). The timing and location of these hotspots are significant: as with feminicides, there was a sharp increase in the number of disappeared girls beginning in 2008 (Figure 2).
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Total/year
1987 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

Map 2. Density of Disappeared girl at Ciudad Juarez (1987-2011)
The spatial definitions and representations of this phenomenon of violence indicates the city’s historic center and its surrounding “colonias” (neighborhoods) as the main place to conduct research as well as develop and implement public policy to prevent and to stop this problem.
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Homicides
Homicides in Ciudad Juarez evidence a spatial pattern fixed in clusters. This means that there are hotspot zones where the city has the highest rates of homicides. The strongest hotspots are located at the northern part of the city, covering a zone between the city’s historic center and Pronaf - a culture, arts, and entertainment district (map 3). A second

        
Map 3. Spatial analysis of Homicides at Ciudad Juarez
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hotspot occurs in the southern region of the city, along a corridor between Zaragoza and Jilotepec streets.
Unlike the hotspots for feminicide and disappeared girls, spatial analysis of homicides indicates that its territory is not correlated to poverty or infrastructure deficits. One of the advantages of these spatial representations is the possibility to create a preliminary hypothesis for research. Thus, it is possible to relate the two northern hotspots of homicide with the international bridges linkages to the main territory used to control drugs movements into the U.S.A. The second hotspot may be theorized as a territory of domestic drug dealers at Ciudad Juarez.
As a matter of conclusion
Feminicides, involuntary or forced disappearances of girls and women, and homicides are historical and long-tolerated atrocities in this city. Victims are part of the vulnerable groups of this community, with vulnerabilities related to sex, age, socioeconomic status, geographic area of residence. Justice is a chimera for the victims and their relatives.
The Mexican State must guarantee the right to live, the right a life with dignity and therefore to justice. Retributive and distributive justices are pending
accountabilities Mexican state is obliged to grant to a significant portion of its
population and the community. Finally, the Mexican State may utilize the tools of the geo- spatial referencing to generate public policies that mitigate the risk factors associated with three distinct types of violence with the violence and therefore improve safety for all inhabitants of Ciudad Juárez.

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To this point, we have focused our attention within the borders of Mexico - both the paradigms of violence as well the responsibility of the Mexican State to protect and provide justice. We conclude by situating Mexico in the context of our international community: the forces of power in the drug-related violence traverse and transcend boundaries. The United States must compromise to change the paradigm of drugs as a public security issue to a public health issue. This vision will deter immense economic benefits for national and
international mafias and save human life’s of Mexican citizens.
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